Lawfare Daily: Mary Clare Jalonick on ‘Storm at the Capitol’
What lessons can be drawn from the attack on the U.S. Capitol five years later?
Senior Editor Michael Feinberg and Associated Press reporter Mary Clare Jalonick sit down to discuss Mary Clare’s oral history of the events of Jan. 6, “Storm at the Capitol.” The two reflect on their own experiences from that day, and try to puzzle out what lessons can be drawn from them five years later.
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Click the button below to view a transcript of this podcast. Please note that the transcript was auto-generated and may contain errors.
Transcript
[Intro]
Mary Clare Jalonick:
You know, there were just a lot of things that were not planned on many levels
that were failures that day that they spent, you know, a lot of time trying to
fix. And, you know, it was almost like a perfect storm of, of different
failures security wise.
Michael Feinberg: It's
the Lawfare Podcast. I'm Michael Feinberg, a senior editor at Lawfare,
and I'm here today with Mary Claire Jalonick, the author of “Storm at the Capitol:
An Oral History of January 6th.”
Mary Clare Jalonick:
I mean, they're just over and over in testimony and interviews, they said, you
know, I thought this was it. Like I thought, I thought that this, I might not
come home that day, or, you know, in a specific moment when they were on the
ground or whatever. It was–a lot of them really thought that they were gonna
die in that moment.
Michael Feinberg:
Today we're gonna be talking about the research and writing of Mary Clare's
book, as well as her experiences herself from that day when she was actually in
the Capitol.
[Main Podcast]
This book is fairly topical as when this podcast airs we will
be right at the fifth anniversary of the events on January 6th. And with that
in mind, I, I kind of wanna begin with the definitional question. What do we
call what happened on January 6th? Some people call it a riot. Some people call
it an insurrection. What do you think is the proper term we should apply to
that day?
Mary Clare Jalonick:
Well, I think at AP we have used the term insurrection since it happened. But
we often also call it an attack. We don't use that word every single time. I,
you know, I've written about it obviously a lot. I use all of those words in
interchangeably: attack, riot siege. I think there's a lot of different things
that you could call it.
And you know, it, it was an attack on the Capitol. People broke
into windows and doors. So however you want to define it, you can, but you
know, it doesn't change what actually happened.
Michael Feinberg:
Yeah. It's, I, and I ask, because I think how we define it really gets to the
second question. There has been a real effort and, and we will get into the
details of this later on in the conversation. There's been a real effort by
some of the people who sort of egged on the events to downplay their
significance in the intervening years, including by a lot of people who, as you
document very well expressed horror at the time it was actually going on.
So now that we're five years out, now that many of the people
who to varying degrees played a part in leading us to that day are still in
power or back in power. Can you sort of walk us through why you think this was
such an important event to document in the fashion you did?
Mary Clare Jalonick:
I think that people can make their own conclusions about the significance of
the event. Obviously, it was the worst attack on the Capitol in 200 years.
Trump was trying to overturn his defeat in the presidential election. That is
significant.
And I think one of the main reasons for writing the book and,
and writing an oral history in the way that I did was that there has been a lot
of misinformation around it and a lot of attempts to downplay what happens. So
it seemed to me that there's really no better way than to try to interview as
many people as you can or find as many public records of people talking about
their experiences that day and document them for history in one place.
I sort of think of this as like a collective history, and it's
meant to be definitive. It's meant to be nonpartisan and I, you know, I
included the rioters as well. I've got Republican lawmakers, Democratic
lawmakers, staff, reporters, workers in the building and the writers
themselves, you know, giving their experiences, talking about what happened to
them that day.
And I think it's really important to have all of those
different voices to sort of see, you know, what, there is a consistent
narrative of, of what happened. You know, obviously there are people who have
different perspectives, but you know, it was a violent attack on the Capitol. And
you know, that's what, what this book and, and people's stories that they tell
that, you know, those are the facts.
Michael Feinberg: And
you were there at the time?
Mary Clare Jalonick:
I was, yes. I was covering it that day and I was in the House and I was just
sort of doing my job covering the certification, something that we've done
before. We knew that this day might be different and not as routine as it
normally is because Trump was pressuring Pence to try to overturn or somehow
delay, stop the count or certain states, the count in certain states.
And I was in the house when everything kind of escalated and I
ended up sort of in a gallery of the House with a bunch of lawmakers kind of
trapped for a little while as riot were, you know, trying to beat down the
doors below. And you know, we eventually got out and it was certainly nothing
like what the police officers experienced outside.
But you know, it was, it, it was a really, it was a really
surreal moment as someone who is used to, you know, just covering legislation
and, you know, our kind of, you know, nerdy jobs of, you know, analyzing
politics, analyzing, you know, legislation and covering the day to day and the Capitol.
It was, it was definitely a very different kind of a day for reporters who were
there and everyone who was there.
Michael Feinberg: So
I wanna pull on a thread of something you mentioned at the beginning of that
answer, which is that you and your colleagues knew this day was gonna be
different. And I wanna delve into that and I want you to sort of expand on that
because I think one of the lessons of January 6th or one of the points that I
don't think gets hammered home enough, although the various investigate the
investigating committee afterwards tried to, is you, were, you as a journalist,
were able to know that it was a different type of day, probably from the moment
you woke up. Law enforcement for some reason did not.
I, this is no disparagement on the Capitol Police whatsoever,
but the law enforcement community of Washington D.C. at both the federal and
local level was really not prepared for this. I mean, had they been prepared
for it, there would've been more obstacles to what eventually happened. In your
research, did you see anything that sort of shines a light on why there was
that disconnect between the people who covered this for a living, who had those
forebodings and the people who were supposed to prevent it from happening whose,
and this isn't the fault of the line workers, but you know, the management, the
senior management of law enforcement organizations? It didn't seem to have a
plan for how violent it actually got.
Mary Clare Jalonick:
Yeah. Well, I wanna be clear. First of all, I knew it wouldn't be a normal day
politically, right? Like, I mean, it wasn't going to be because we were all
waiting to see what Pence was going to do. You know, there's a quote from, I
interviewed Nancy Pelosi for the book and one, and she has a quote where she
said we knew there would be mischief. We didn't. No, there was going to be
violence.
And I think that's probably how we felt, you know, as reporters
is what, what's gonna happen. It was like suspenseful. It was like, what's
gonna happen? What, what's Pence gonna do? That, that's what made it unusual
when usually this is like a routine, you know, just signing off on the
presidential results. I did not expect violence either. I certainly would've
been the last person to know. I was sort of naive in that way.
I think, you know, there was. I got a security email that
someone had forwarded me that we didn't get, but that members, the House staff
had gotten that said, you know, you know, try to take underground tunnels if
possible when you walk in. I, I think a lot of people, and this is in in the
book, expected that there would be a lot of people outside the building and
that it might get unruly.
I don't think, very, I, I don't know anyone who thought that
they were going to get inside the building and, and disrupt the count and, you
know, beat police officers with American flags to, to do so. I really think
that that surprised everyone.
Obviously you know more about that than, than I do, but you
know, that is something that in, and this is less explored in the book because
really the book is like 24 hours, right, of what happened. So there's less of
sort of thinking in the aftermath of how things went wrong, but it did expose a
lot of vulnerabilities in the Capitol, obviously, and that includes in the
intelligence ahead of time.
And there were just a lot of near misses, sort of, of, of
people not seeing. Intelligence that was, you know, kind of out there being
planned and on the open internet. And I think there was a lot of looking back
and, and I think, you know, you know better on the DOJ side than I do, but you
know, certainly with Capitol Police and everyone, there was a lot of very
serious introspection afterward and beefing up of those intelligence services.
And, you know, trying to, you know, see how there could have
been, you know, so many missed signals that, you know, people really were
planning this. Out in the open in many ways beforehand. But I think also, and,
and I think people said this in hearings maybe, is, is it was also like, you
could call like a failure of the imagination, but I, I think that people just
really never thought anything like this could happen.
They just never imagined it. I think Stevenson said that in, in
one of the hearings that, police chief who was let go or, you know, forced to
resign the next day. We just never, they think they said, we just never, you
know, it's just a battle, like a medieval battle basically in front of the Capitol
with, you know, hundreds or thousands of people fighting.
That just wasn't something that anyone ever, you know, I don't
think that was something that they imagined could happen. So, you know, I think
that, that you can forgive them for that a little bit. But then there were also
just a lot of missed, missed things, you know, places that weren't being looked
at that.
That probably people could have figured out, but you, you
probably have more of an inside look on this than I do. But, you know, it was a
failure in many ways and, and they've spent the last five years trying to fix
that and, and certainly in the Capitol hardening windows and doors, beefing up
intelligence services, making sure they had operational plans.
What, you know, the Capitol police, they had old equipment. In
many cases they had shields that were like breaking on impact because they were
so old. Some police officers didn't have their equipment.
One of the, Caroline Edwards is an officer who's in the book
and testified in the January 6th committee and she said she didn't. She didn't
have a riot gear. She was, you know, the, they were like the first line of
defense, the first responder unit, the proud boys who were sort of gathering
outside and came up to the Capitol, the, the very, and, and, and others who
kind of broke the first breached the first barrier. She was knocked out and,
you know, clipped her head on the concrete when, when she was pushed over and
she didn't have any of her riot gear on because it was like in a van somewhere
else.
And so, you know, there were just a lot of things that were not
planned on many levels that were failures that day that they spent, you know, a
lot of time trying to fix. And, you know, it was almost like a perfect storm
of, of different failures, security wise.
Michael Feinberg:
Yeah, it's funny listening to your answer. I'm realizing I projected a little
bit in terms of how I phrased the question simply because my clearest memory
from my own career leading up to January 6th was getting lunch with a good
friend of mine who was also a special agent in the Washington Field office, and
him relaying his frustration to me.
Because he went to his supervisor and asked her, what's the
plan for this? And she said, what are you talking about? And he said, when this
breaks violent, what's our response plan?
And it drove home for me that a lot of the line level
personnel, at least in the FBI, and I would assume in the local law enforcement
community as well, the line personnel who spend their time actually doing
investigations and dealing with the public just had an intuition this was gonna
break bad. But the senior management, maybe because they didn't want to have a
repeat of the civil unrest response in 2020, which most people thought was way
overboard because they didn't wanna repeat that sort of show of force didn't
plan for what would happen if that show of force became necessary. And so there
was just a lot of scrambling from our end.
Mary Clare Jalonick:
I think there was also one thing I, I found over and over that so many people
said, and this is in the book, is that there were these two other protests in
November and December before January 6th, and they turned somewhat violent, but
they were mostly clashes between counter protestors and the Trump supporters
that, that the more far right people that turned out.
So I think a lot of law enforcement and so, you know, what they
were doing was breaking people up in that case. And I think a lot of law
enforcement, Roy Blunt, who was the head of the Senate Rules Committee, which
oversaw overseas the Capitol Police said that he had checked in with, and this
is in the book, he had checked in with Capitol Police like a couple of days
before and they said.
We think, you know, this is pretty much what it, you know, it's
gonna be similar to what we saw in those other two protests. And, and I have
sort of in the introduction, a a, but a detailing of all of the reports that
went out in the weeks before kind of, you know, situational reports about what
they expected that day and, and all of those situational reports said that, you
know, they expected an event similar to these other two events.
One of the situational reports had like one paragraph, like
buried in the middle, that, that basically predicted exactly what happened. You
know, that saying that people could come with weapons, they could, you know,
come and it could get violent. And because this was a significant day that
people were looking for, but it really didn't, it was just this sort of like
one paragraph and it, it didn't even end up in reports after that, and it
didn't really end up in the conclusion either, which.
Several times they concluded that violence was you know,
improbable. So it, it really was a sort of disorganized look. And I think a lot
of people, again, just sort of assuming that it was going to be like things
that they had seen before, which was, you know, just kind of clashes between
counter protestors and protesters, when in fact it was a very different day and
there really wasn't a counter protest or presence.
Not that they're not ever there, but they weren't really, you
know, there that day. Several police voices in the book saying, you know, they
were looking for Antifa or, you know, people, that, they were looking for that
to happen, but they just didn't see it. That's not, that's not what the
situation was that day.
And, and a lot of the far right people that came, came
expecting to find Antifa and, you know, having those kinds of fights. But that,
that's just not really, that, that was not the, the majority of the violence
or, you know, really, that wasn't a major presence that day and, and really
what it was, was aimed at the Capitol. I believe that one paragraph I was
talking about said, you know, Congress is the target, which is very different
than anything that they'd ever seen before.
Michael Feinberg:
Yeah. Although I, I did note towards the end of your work, you do cite a couple
legislators who even after the attack do attempt to blame it on Antifa, and
another one mentions BLM protestors.
Do you think when people made that accusation, even after the
events happened. do you think they're making that accusation in good faith, or
do you think they actually believed it was an Antifa false flag, or that it was
BLM protesters trying to make the right look bad?
Mary Clare Jalonick:
I mean, I don't know what they were thinking, but I mean, what, what you're
referring to is Matt Gaetz. And he, there was like, there was a report that
later got corrected in the Washington Times that night that said that there
were Antifa protestors in the crowd or something. So I, I remember this because
I was sitting in the gallery and I heard him say it, and I remember it just
being like, such a moment.
He was mentioning that, you know, and he was, he was referring
to this report in the Washington Times and saying, you know, sort of made a
defund, the police kind of a comment as well. It was very different in tone
than anything else that anyone else had said on the floor, and I think it
really. It was so tense.
I mean, that is like the main thing that I remember about that
night. It was just so tense. Everyone was so tense and that really upped the
tension. I interviewed Adam Kinzinger not too long in 2021. And that is in the
book as well where he said he just heard Matt Gaetz say that, and it made him
so mad that he got up and he said, you know, he gave sort of a whole speech
about how they were gonna certify, you know, Biden's victory and, you know,
everyone knows that he won and that kind of thing.
And, and there was just sort of silence after he talked. So,
you know, that those, those conversations were starting that night, which is
just kind of, you know, it was, it wasn't like, you know, obviously I, I don't
mean to compare January 6th to 9/11 'cause it is so different, but in terms of
like a, a national moment. You know, 9/11 really brought Congress and, and the
country together in so many ways. Obviously so many more people died and it's a
totally different situation.
But in terms of like events of national significance, you know,
January 6th immediately made tensions worse. And you know, we saw the majority
of of House Republicans vote to overturn or to to on the electoral votes on
Arizona and Pennsylvania to vote, you know, to not count those state's
electoral votes which is what Trump wanted them to do. There was still a
lobbying effort going on after the violence. So, you know, that really never, never
stopped.
And, and the other thing you're referring to is Marjorie Taylor
Greene, and that was from a, a deposition. She did, and, and she was just
describing what she was thinking in that moment when, you know, the, the
building was being attacked when she was first hearing about it. And she said,
you know, we couldn't imagine that it was anything other than BLM protestors.
So, you know, it really was those, it, it is not something, it,
it was like if there was like a momentary time when, when a lot of people were,
you know, everyone sort of denounced the violence, but it was always tense and
it, and it just got more and more tense as as time went on.
Michael Feinberg:
Yeah. And you do a, I mean, the benefit of an oral history is that it really
does bring that visceralness to the reader because you're hearing firsthand
accounts. It's not filtered through a historian's analysis or someone else's
prose. It's the actual words of the participants. And I'm curious, is that what
led you to want to do this as an oral history as opposed to a narrative
overview?
Mary Clare Jalonick:
Yeah, absolutely. I mean, I, I don't know that the world needed another
narrative overview of January 6th. We've seen a lot of that, you know, the, the
several been Republican and Democratic investigations of it, and it, it is
already, it's, that's automatically filtered through somebody's perspective,
right? So the idea is to have everyone's perspective in one place, and it might
not always be exactly the same from person to person, but it does give you an
idea of sort of the nuance of, of the day, right?
Like, you know, what happened and hearing people's firsthand
experiences. It's not about what I think or, you know, filtering anything
through my perspective. It's about what people are actually saying that, that
they saw and, and they thought, and they felt in that moment.
Michael Feinberg:
Now, I'm curious. When I first opened your book, I'm talking about the first
page of the main text. I thought to myself, wow, I'm amazed some of these
people sat for interviews and then as I was reading, I realized just sort of
intuitively, a lot of them didn't. You're basing some of this on previous
testimony or documented statements that they made at various points leading up
to during and in the aftermath of the event.
Mary Clare Jalonick:
Yes. Yeah. Yeah. I'd say about half, roughly half of it is my own interviews
with people, and those interviews are over a long period of time. Some of those
interviews were, I mean, I have interviews from that day in there. And but
then, you know, going up to this year, early this year after Trump was
reelected, but the other half is, you know, a lot of people.
Well, there's most of it that is not my own interviews is from
court, which is those, you know, there's so many cases, right. And most of the
rioters who are quoted in the book, it's from court cases or their, their
testimonial. A lot of rioters spoke to the January 6th committee. I think
hoping probably that they would you know, that would help them get more lenient
sentences because they were cooperating.
And, and those interviews are really interesting. Some of them
are very introspective and so I used a lot of that. I used rioters who
testified in their own behalf in court. And then, yeah, a lot of the lawmakers.
Most of the lawmaker interviews are mine, but there are some interviews. CSPAN
did a series of interviews in 2021 where you know, some Republicans and
Democrats sat down and talked about their experiences and people who might not
do that again today.
There is also just, you know, just general testimony and, and a
few, a few of 'em are from you know, other media interviews. I tried to not do
very much of that, but in, in terms of people who might have spoken to their
local paper, like a Republicans who wouldn't talk to me today, but they did
talk to their local paper in the few days, right afterward when it was a huge
story.
So I was really able to get a lot of those public sources and,
you know, put them together to give that sort of chronological account and for
transparency, I did, you know, all of those sourcing is in the, all that
sourcing is in the back, so you can kind of see, you know, if it's someone you
might not expect to be saying what they're saying, you can look back and see
that was on like January 8th, 2021 or where they said it or how, how it
happened. But, you know, they are all statements that came out of people's
mouths in the last five years. You know, it's people's perspectives about what
happened to them.
Michael Feinberg: Did
anybody agree to actually sit for an interview with you that really surprised
you? Or conversely, was there anybody you thought would be willing to cooperate
that didn't?
Mary Clare Jalonick:
That's a good question. It was very, I mean, you know, I tried to get as many
Republicans as I could, and I did get a lot of Republicans. I didn't get as
many as I would've liked. You know, a lot of people weren't talking about it. A
a lot of the, the best interviews are really from, you know, immediately
afterward.
Some people did though, several Republican senators I spoke to.
And you know, I think a lot of people feel that they wanna be able to speak
about this honestly, but then a lot of people won't. They might talk about it
off the record. They might talk about it. You know, privately, but for now
they're not.
And, and I think I have sort of like a, a dream that, you know,
in 10 years I could come back and maybe talk to people again, some people who
feel politically that they don't wanna speak now, but might, you know,
eventually share what happened. I, I would certainly. One category of people
that I, I would've liked to have had more of, although I did get some of this
in the book, is building workers and police officer, you know, Capitol Police.
Certainly I have a lot of police in there because so many of
them testified and I did do interviews as well. But you know, I always wanted
more. And, and there are a lot of people who are still working in the Capitol
who are not authorized to talk about January 6th. So that is something that I
hope eventually will change and that, you know, there are people who have,
there's a lot of experiences we don't know about that day.
And, and I do think it's important just to have all of that on
paper for history, for, for the record, you know what, this is a U.S. Capitol,
right? And, and I think part of the reason I feel so strongly about it is I
work there every day. You know, when they're in session, I'm there and I have a
desk in the Capitol and I, I just feel like, you know, I'm, I think it's a,
it's such a important, beautiful place.
And it's a community and this was something that, you know,
kind of ripped this community apart in a lot of ways. And, and I think it's so
important for our country. And it's, I just think that you know, getting all of
that on paper is, is really important. And, and I hope I'm able to continue to
do that even after this book is out.
Michael Feinberg: Now
as you were doing this, as you were coating everything that was out there and
talking to people, and you know, inevitably, I assume reliving your own
experiences from that day, did anything surprise you? Did you discover anything
that complicated your previous view of the events of that day?
Mary Clare Jalonick:
I wouldn't say complicated, but just definitely added to it. Like I, I'm just
so, I'm like the opposite of you. I am like, I am so naive. Like I don't really
have, you know, I don't have military experience, I don't have law enforcement
experience. I don't, I'm not used to being in a violent situation, right? So when
it was happening, I was like focused on my job, which is like, I was trying to
take video of these people trying to beat down the door below me and that was
my priority and it's really like, kind of all I was thinking about.
I was scared, but I wasn't super focused on, you know, on the
danger part of it, it was more just like, how do I get this news out of this
crazy thing that's happening in the room where I am? And then, you know, when
we were there in the, in the balcony we heard the gunshot. That was the, the
shot that hit Ashli Babbitt.
You know, for me, I knew it could be a gunshot, but that wasn't
my, you know, I was like, oh, that was a really loud noise, you know? Maybe it
was a gunshot, maybe something dropped. You know, I didn't know. But the people
that were around me were, were lawmakers. There were about three dozen. Mostly
Democrats, all Democrats that I know of who were up in the balcony unusually
spacing for COVID.
You know, a lot of them had military or law enforcement
experience. Val Demings was up there and she's the former police chief of, or
in Orlando, Jason Crow is former Army Ranger. Mickey Sherrill was at their
former Navy helicopter pilot. You know, they obviously all have extensive
training and they knew the second that that gunshot went off, what it was,
where it was coming from, and that we were surrounded kind of on all sides by
rioters.
And I think, you know that really interesting to me 'cause I, I
did a story on the first anniversary that kind of is sort of what inspired me
to write the book that where I really interviewed like everyone I could find
who was in the balcony with me and just wrote about, you know, that experience
'cause it hadn't really been written about a ton.
And just talking to all of these, you know, these people with
this incredible experience about what happened, you know, what, what was
happening and what they were thinking in the moment. It was kind of like, oh, I
had no idea what was happening, and I, I didn't, you know, I, I learned so much
from, from talking to them.
So I think that was something that was really interesting as,
as I did this to, you know, even, you know, years later, as finishing the book.
It, it just so much added to it and certainly what happened outside. I mean, I
would say that was the other thing, like none of us knew at the time what was
going on outside even really until the next day or the days afterward that how
violent it was outside.
And I didn't really even understand until I was doing this book
exactly what happened outside, like sort of how, how that siege happened,
right? Like how they were, you know, sort of slowly they, you know, there were
a lot of people there who knew what they were doing and they were finding those
holes and finding their way to entrances and ways to break into the building
and, you know, how exactly the police were holding the lines.
And, you know, I had to figure all that out to, to get the book
in order. So that was all very interesting to me and I didn't really fully
understand it until I did that. And, and I guess in terms of like surprised. I
mean, or, you know, what I didn't know is just reading all these accounts and,
and collecting these accounts and, and talking to police officers, how many of
them thought that they were gonna die that day?
I mean, that, that was really surprising to me. It was really
interesting. I mean, just over and over in testimony and interviews, they said,
you know, I thought this was it. Like, I thought, I thought that this, I might
not come home that day, or, you know, in a specific moment when they were on
the ground or whatever it was. A lot of them really thought that they were
gonna die in that moment, and, and that was, you know, shocking and sad to me.
Michael Feinberg:
Yeah. There is a moment towards the end of your work where one of the police
officers goes home to his wife and family and he talks about stripping down for
the shower and his wife nearly breaking down at the site of just the bruises
and abrasions that are covering his torso and limbs.
Mary Clare Jalonick:
Yeah. And that, yeah, that was a, a metropolitan police officer who I believe
that was in like, you know, a statement of, you know, in court that he, he made
about, you know, the effects that it had had on him. And that was, I thought,
really moving and, and sad. You know, and he was a, he was a big guy, you know,
and he was I think he, he talked he's earlier in the book when he was sort of
fighting people off in, in the middle of the Capitol, you know, talking about
he's, he's a really big guy and he was, you know, there were people just, you
know, throwing themselves against him and trying to, you know, rip his weapons
off of his body, you know, just really going at him.
So, you know, someone, you think of these big, strong police
officers. Right. And you know, a lot of them, a lot of them were badly injured.
And you know, another police officer that I interviewed in the book said, you
know, there's like an official number of like around 140 or more than 140
police officers were injured. But he said the number is probably a lot higher
than that.
But you know, a lot of people just kept going, you know, and
went into work the next day and didn't, you know, necessarily report their
injuries or if they didn't have to go to the hospital. And then on the other
side, a lot of them not a lot of, but I mean, some of them never went back to
work at all because of their injuries. So, you know, it, there really was a, a
range there.
But, you know, the stories are just, you know, these aren't
people who talk about their own mental health or their, the effects on
themselves very often. So, you know, just kind of reading that, that it is
surprising and it's, it's, you know, it's hard to read.
Michael Feinberg:
Yeah. And, and not to continue down the sort of darker path. I mean, the whole
day was dark, but, you know, a lot of those wounds weren't just physical. There
were psychic wounds. I mean, there, there was a police officer who took his own
life upon returning home from these events, and I think, you know, I, as
somebody who used to wear a badge himself and find himself in dangerous
situations, one of the reasons I personally, and I'm just speaking as an
individual now, not as a editor at Lawfare, but one of the personal
reasons I really appreciate your work is that like.
It does give these people a voice and it serves as a reminder
and a sort of testament to some of the sacrifices that, you know, when someone
takes their own life, it doesn't get as much attention as an action that's the
result of an adversary. But, you know, you know, maybe this is outta line for
me to say, but I view the officer who took his own life as just as much a
casualty of these events as the officer who had a stroke and tragically died
that day, you know, and so I'm glad you're telling these stories.
Mary Clare Jalonick:
Yeah, there were two police officers actually who took their own lives. And
then days afterward there was one Capitol police officer, Howie Liebengood, and
a metropolitan police officer, Jeffrey Smith.
And there were two other metropolitan police officers who took
their own lives that year, who had been at the Capitol. You know, we obviously
don't know every detail about, you know, why or all of that. There were four
police officers who were there that day who took their own lives in the
following months. Two of them in the days right afterwards.
So I do think that that, that did get people's attention that,
and, you know, in terms of the mental health effects and, and Capitol Police I
know did really beef up their mental health services. I don't think they had
much don't know the details of it, but I, I know that, I don't think there was
much there before January 6th, and I think they realized, you know, as they
were sort of rebuilding after that, that they needed to have more services for,
for officers.
And, you know, have I, I know, and you, you can speak to this
better than I can, but I, it does seem like there's been a, a little bit of a
trend, you know, in in recent years to try to focus more on that in the law
enforcement community. I'm sure it's still hard, but is that, I mean, I know
that that's been the case there at least.
Michael Feinberg:
Yeah, I think that's very much true across the country in, you know, federal,
state, and local departments. Law enforcement tends to attract people with
certain qualities. Some of them are very good qualities, some of them are less
admirable. And I think one of the ones that falls on the latter part of that
ledger is that law enforcement officers are very often reluctant to seek help.
And so I think that like the departments and their management
sort of have a moral duty to constantly remind them that the help is available
and that there's no shame in seeking it. And like to the extent anything
positive can be wrought from that day, perhaps it's dragging some of those
conversations more out into the daylight.
But, alright. I wanna sort of switch gears in your experience
there and in your exp by your experience, I mean, writing this book, I'm not
talking about your personal experience, but is there anybody who surprised you
with how well they acquitted themselves that day?
You know, in any tragedy, in any act of violence, Mr. Rogers
sort of said famously look for the helpers. Is there anybody who struck you as
sort of like an unsung hero of that day that we should be paying more attention
to?
Mary Clare Jalonick:
Yeah, I think, I mean. You have to look at the staff who saved the electoral
ballots in the Senate. That was like such an important move that was made that
day that rioters did get into the Senate after senators had evacuated and were,
you know, going through senator's desks. That's all in the book.
But, you know, when the senators were evacuating the staff for
the Senate parliamentarian who sort of oversee the Boston and, and, and if
anyone doesn't know like what, what. What was interrupted, what happens on
January 6th is counting the electoral votes from every single state. It is
usually just a totally routine affair, right? And it, it lasts like the, the
one this year lasted like, I think like an hour and a half or something.
It usually, they just go through every state and, you know,
nobody objects and move on. president is inaugurated. So they have these boxes
and there are mahogany boxes that they've always used, and they're actually
like, they have, like, they're literal, like FedEx, they, you know, the, the, the
states really send these in the mail to the Capitol, and there's several copies
that go different places.
One goes to the archives, but so they have, they like hold all
of these electoral, these certified electoral ballots from every state in these
mahogany boxes. And as the Senate was evacuating the staff took the boxes, like
the, they're heavy boxes, you know, they sort of picked them up and they took
them out. And one of the senators I interviewed, Mike Rounds, Republican,
talked about how as they were leaving, you know, he and other Republicans and
Democrat, you know, bipartisan group of senators were like, you know, let us
help you with those boxes.
We, that's so important to us that we get them out. And they
said, he said that, they said to him, no, no, we have to do this. This is our
responsibility. And he's like, well, we're not gonna let them out of our site.
And he said, well, we're not gonna let them out of our site either. So I think
there was a lot of understanding how important those ballots were.
And you, and you think about, you know, those are the physical
ballots that have to be counted. That's part of the process. So if they had
left them there and you know, the people had broken into the Senate, that's
kind of like what they were looking for, right? And they could have destroyed
them. They could have taken them, that certainly would've delayed the certification.
So the fact that they brought them with them to a secure
location, I think a lot of people see that is, is kind of one of the more
significant moments of the day. But you know, by basically unnamed staffers who
were, you know, there, and really quick thinking as, as they were, you know, in
this sort of frantic situation, trying to evacuate with, with the rioters right
outside the doors, when they were evacuating it, it wasn't a slow process.
It was very quick that they had to get out there. They were
hearing the shouts from people who were right on the other side of the walls.
So, you know, I, I think that, that everyone kind of came together and did that
was a, was an important moment in the day.
Michael Feinberg:
Yeah, I think there were a lot of sort of quiet unsung moments of heroes of
encourage that your book does a good job of highlighting. I remember the exact
section you're talking about where they have to sort of flee with the ballots
so that they maintain the, the actual physical evidence of what happened in the
election.
The other one that constantly comes to my mind that I often
replay is a lone police officer, almost pied piping, a crowd of rioters away
from where people were hiding. I think he runs up a staircase stopping every
now and then to wave his baton and then runs again. And just like putting his
own life at risk to protect other people in the building who were able to hide.
And you know, that's the highest calling of law enforcement is being willing to
sacrifice yourself.
And you know, one of the reasons I personally really appreciate
your book again, is that you do pay testament to those sacrifices and, and
those actions that people took and recognize that January 6th had a lot of
villains. It did, I mean, thousands of people were indicted or sentenced. A lot
of people stained their public reputations as political officers that day in
ways that will probably not be scrubbed from history. But there were also people
who are lesser known that just did the right thing and you know, thank you for
highlighting that.
Mary Clare Jalonick:
Yeah, I think the officer you're talking about is Eugene Goodman, who was you
know, confronted, he was by himself when a group of the first group of rioters
had just broken in and they were sort of being aggressive to him and chased him
up a staircase. And, and when they got to the top of the staircase, they were,
I mean, they were just a few feet from the door, one of the doors to the
Senate, and Senate was still inside. And that it's really just like an
extraordinary situation.
And he kind of looks, you can see in the video that was taken
by a Huff Post reporter, Igor Bobic, who is also in the book. He kind of looks
toward the Senate and then, you know, kind of like, you know, he kind of hits
him and sort of leads him in a different direction away from the Senate doors
and toward, it's called the Ohio Clock Corridor, where a bunch of police
officers were waiting.
So he, he really, it was kind of a masterful move that potentially,
you know, saved you know, and, and what one of the officers said is if, if
rioters had gotten close to that door, there would've been gunfire at that
point. You know, it could have been a much bloodier day. So I think, you know,
that was really interesting.
And, and what was interesting about. Eugene Goodman is, he
doesn't do a lot of interviews. He, he's, he's a private guy. He doesn't
really, I don't think, want all the accolades that came toward him, or at least
to talk about it very much. And but he did testify in several trials and so I
was able to get, you know, all of that testimony and put it into the book,
which is like not really something that has, you know, obviously it was covered
in the news, but there were hundreds of pages of his description of what
happened.
So, really being able to like use a lot of that in one place I
thought was pretty cool because it's something that I, you know, I, I was
always interested in that and when I, you know, started reading the testimony,
it was just really interesting to hear his perspective as well.
And then, you know, from, from your side of things that Doug
Jensen was the rioter with the Big Q on his shirt that was chasing him up the
stairs. And he gave an FBI interview where he had sort of described everything
that happened to him. So really being able to have both of their perspectives
was I thought pretty interesting to be able to, to put in the book.
Michael Feinberg:
What is the one lesson from that day that you want people who read your book to
walk away with?
Mary Clare Jalonick:
So I think that the idea of the book is that people can read it themselves and
see what happened and get it from firsthand accounts, and then they can decide
what they think about the significance of that day or what happened that day
based on the facts of what happened that day, right?
I think that that's what's important here is to really. Just
get the real facts out and you know, the real perspectives of people who are
there that isn't political. It isn't somebody's narrative, it's just firsthand
accounts of, of what people saw and with their own eyes and what they did. So
that was, you know, that's my hope with the book is that it's a definitive
account and, you know, nonpartisan and just nuanced and really just lays out in
chronological order what happened.
And then, you know, people can move on and make their own
conclusions as they want to, but I just think having the facts is, is really
important. And that's, that's the idea behind the book.
Michael Feinberg: And
I think we'll leave it there. Mary Clare, thank you very much not just for
coming on this show and to go over what was an incredibly tumultuous and
traumatic day.
But also for writing the book and paying testament to the
people who stopped it from even being worse. And I will recommend your book to
anybody in our audience who wants to understand what it was like on the ground
at the Capitol on January 6th. Thank you again.
Mary Clare Jalonick:
I really appreciate that. Thanks so much. Thanks for having me.
Michael Feinberg: You
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