Lawfare Daily: State Senator Scott Wiener on His Controversial AI Bill, SB 1047

Published by The Lawfare Institute
in Cooperation With
Scott Wiener, California State Senator, joins Kevin Frazier, Assistant Professor at St. Thomas University College of Law and a Tarbell Fellow at Lawfare, to explore his “Safe and Secure Innovation for Frontier Artificial Intelligence Models” bill, also known as SB 1047. The bill has become a flashpoint in several larger AI debates: AI safety v. AI security, federal regulation or state regulation, model or end-user governance. Senator Wiener and Kevin analyze these topics and forthcoming hurdles to SB 1047 becoming law.
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Transcript
[Intro]
Scott Wiener: I've
shown a real willingness to, to make significant changes to the bill.
Unfortunately, there are others who are not engaging constructively, who are
simply taking the approach of, you know, get off my lawn and just don't want
any regulation at all of AI.
Kevin Frazier: It's
the Lawfare Podcast. I'm Kevin Frazier, assistant professor at St. Thomas
University College of Law, and a Tarbell Fellow at Lawfare joined by
California State Senator Scott Wiener.
Scott Wiener: The
existence of the, of Frontier Model Division has caused a lot of concern and
anxiety in some quarters, and, and I am not wedded to that. So that's an
amendment Anthropic has proposed that we are, you know, quite open to.
Kevin Frazier: Today
we're talking about his Safe and Secure Innovation for Frontier Artificial Intelligence
Models bill, also known as SB1047, a controversial AI bill he's spearheading in
the Golden State.
[Main Podcast]
Senator, you've fought some hard battles in your legislative
career. In many cases, you've won and won big earning praise from across the
political spectrum, though mainly on the left. You now find yourself in one of
the most heated political skirmishes you've perhaps ever fought at a minimum,
much of the tech world, including some of your constituents in San Francisco stand
in opposition to your bill.
And if you read between the lines, some may think that FTC
Chair Lena Khan may be another person who is perhaps not exactly on your side.
She recently listened to your defense of SB 10 47, and while she declined to
comment on the bill itself, voiced her support for protecting openness in the
AI industry. So given the headwinds you've encountered, what's motivating you
to persist with this fight? What's driving Senator Wiener to make this one of
his key legislative efforts?
Scott Wiener: Well,
thank you for having me, and thank you for the opportunity to talk about
promoting innovation in AI and also acknowledging that this is incredibly
powerful, transformative technology that can make the world a better place, but
that also creates risks and that we should not bury our head in the sand and be
mindful of those risks and that it's reasonable to ask the large AI labs.
What they have committed to doing repeatedly, which is to
perform safety testing on their large AI models before they train and release them.
And so that, that's all we're doing with this bill. This bill does nothing more
then ask the largest AI labs when they're training and releasing huge powerful
models to simply do what they have committed to doing, which is to perform
safety testing, mitigate potential catastrophic risks.
That's what we're asking them to do, and it's perfectly
reasonable. There is actually quite a bit of support for this bill, if you ask
people, including folks who are in tech, but there are a group of, of, of folks
who are very opposed to it. I, I think what everyone's view is of AI this is
powerful, powerful technology and to promote both innovation and safety.
Kevin Frazier: So
you've emphasized that you do not want to cabin innovation, you've touted that
you've long championed innovation in the state, and yet we have the folks who
are supposedly the innovators themselves. If you look at groups like a16z,
arguably Anthropic, and some of the other labs, Meta, have come out ether
directly in opposition to the bill or perhaps questioning the bill or asking
for some pretty large amendments.
Why do you think they're getting this innovation question
wrong? Why are the folks trying to support these startups miscalculating when
they say you're actually going to squash innovation in California?
Scott Wiener: Well,
first of all, just to be clear, has said in writing that they will support the
bill if we make certain amendments, and as I've stated repeatedly in public,
we're generally positive about the amendments that has proposed. Listen, I,
this has been a very transparent process. I started working on this a year and
a half ago.
We actually took the extraordinary step of, of releasing a
public outline of the bill very, very formally last September for the exclusive
purpose of soliciting feedback from big tech companies, from startups, from
investors, from academics, from from activists, from anyone who wanted to
comment to say, tell us what you think of these ideas.
And we have engaged with anyone who will engage with us, and we
have received some very good faith engagement from anthropic, from GitHub, from
various folks in big tech and small tech. And we've made significant changes to
the bill along the way, including direct response concerns from folks in the
open source space.
Very significant amendments we've made, and very appreciative
that Anthropic has come forward with feedback and ideas which as I mentioned,
we're favorably disposed towards those ideas. My goal here is not just to, it's
not about winning or losing. I wanna get this right.
And so for the folks who have constructively engaged, we
appreciate that and I've shown a real willingness to, to make significant
changes to the bill. Unfortunately, there are others who are not engaging
constructively, who are simply taking the approach of, you know, get off my
lawn and just don't want any regulation at all.
And you mentioned Lina Khan. She she, first of all, she spoke
before I spoke, so she did not hear me talking about the bill, and I thought
she took a very balanced approach where she I think absolutely did not say she
was opposed to regulation of AI. She also said she supports open source. I
support open source as well. And so there, there, unfortunately, in addition to
the folks who are constructively engaging, which is great, there are people who
have been and, and organizations that have not constructively engaged and have
put out fear tactics and misinformation about the bill.
Unfortunately, there are some within a16z who have participated
in that telling AI model developers that the bill will send them to prison which
is absolutely false. And yet they keep saying that, putting out information
about how the bill will, will impose significant risk of liability that doesn't
exist today.
That is inaccurate. AI model developers can be sued today and
the potential liability that they face today is profoundly broader than the
extremely narrow liability that is possible under the bill. So you know, it's
politics. And I also understand that the tech industry does not want to be
regulated, and that's why Congress has never enacted a data privacy law.
Here we are in 2024, there's no federal data privacy law, which
is supported overwhelmingly by the public because the tech industry has
incapacitated Congress from passing that law. There's no net neutrality federal
law. There's, you know, very little with social media. They banned TikTok. It
looks like there's now a child protection bill that's moving forward.
But we have had to act in California because the tech industry
has prevented Congress from acting. And I am not just trying to shove something
down texts through. We were working very collaboratively with anyone who will
work with us.
Kevin Frazier: To
that collaborative approach, which I think you're spot on. Anyone who's tracked
the bill can see that there have been significant amendments made in response
to feedback, including changing the threshold for which models may qualify,
which is obviously a huge deal.
Of the Anthropic amendments, I think one of the bigger ones is
calling for not creating the frontier model division, which would have arguably
the main role in enforcing and yeah, paying attention to this regulation. So is
that one of the amendments you're open to?
Scott Wiener: Yes.
Kevin Frazier: Okay.
Scott Wiener: No,
with the Frontier Model Division, it's, we, we created that division. It's not
even its own agency, the division of the Department of Technology, in order to
have, you know, an, an agency or a division that will receive the reports. And
then they have one power which is to, after a few years, adjust the size
threshold. It's currently set at 10 to the 26 flop. They could adjust it, but
not the a hundred million dollars training threshold, which they cannot touch.
So the Frontier Model Division has very, very little authority.
The attorney general is the individual who really will enforce not the Frontier
Model division, but the, but the existence of the, of Frontier Model Division
has caused a lot of concern and anxiety in some quarters. And, and I am not
wedded to that. And so that's an amendment Anthropic has proposed that we're,
you know, quite open to.
Kevin Frazier: So we
know there are at least seven hills in San Francisco and that's not one you
will die on. Okay. Duly noted of the other amendments, 40.
Scott Wiener: I think
it's 48 hills, actually. 48 hills. Seven, it's seven miles by seven miles. 48
hills. Yeah, something like that.
Kevin Frazier:
Alright, all right there. The complex geography. That's for our next podcast
for now. Another major amendment I'd say that Anthropic has suggested is changing
some of the requirements for what qualifies as a critical harm they've called
for, excluding perhaps the use of models in national security context. What's
your response to that exclusion that they're calling for?
Scott Wiener: There
are a few items that they raise around that 'cause we define critical harm as.
Having to do with chemical, nuclear, biological, et cetera weapon having to do
with cyber crime causing more than $500 million in damage, damage, critical
infrastructure, causing more than $500 million in damage or harms of a similar
scale in terms of national security and there are certain that could be in the
bill that could be preempted under federal law and certain aspects of national
security could fall in that category. And so we're absolutely open to refining
the bill to make that clear.
Kevin Frazier: So we
may continue to see SB 1047 evolve throughout the month of August as it
continues to receive scrutiny from the assembly. But we know that SB 1047 isn't
the only bill addressing AI in California AB 3211, which would require
generative AI systems to keep a log of any piece of potentially deceptive
content is also moving relatively quickly through the legislative process. So
when we think about innovation in California, are you concerned that the
cumulative effect of these bills may result in SFO being full of AI experts
looking for greener pastures?
Scott Wiener: It's
really interesting. Some of the critics, of SB 1047, say, hey, don't regulate
at the model level, regulate at the application level. If someone is using a
model for something bad, a deep fake revenge porn, algorithmic discrimination,
whatever the case may be, regulated at that level. My my take is of course we
should be, if someone's using an AI model or anything else to do something
terrible, that should be illegal and there should be accountability for that.
But if the model can reasonably be designed in a way to reduce
the risk that the model will shut down the grid or, or do whatever terrible
thing we should do that as well. The two are not mutually exclusive.
But I, I think what we're seeing is that as some folks say, hey,
don't regulate st the model level, regulate at the application level. Well,
they're also opposing efforts to regulate at the application level. So, you
know, query what that means in terms of some of the engagement that we're
seeing and, and some of the desire simply to have no regulation in the public
interest whatsoever. But in terms of, you know, the bills that we're seeing in
the legislature in.
There's the watermarking bill. There's a, a major bill about
algorithmic discrimination. We have a bill about AI generated revenge porn and
probably a couple of others. You know, of course we wanna make sure that all of
this is coordinated, that it's all consistent.
I don't think that this is going to push, these bills are not
gonna push AI innovation outside of California. SB 1047, in addition to, I
imagine all of these bills, they're not limited to companies that are
headquartered or doing AI development in California. That's not what triggers
'em. It's doing business in California. And so this whole notion that, you
know, oh, they're gonna move, you know or Austin or whatever the other, you
know, flavor of the day is, I don't buy that.
I mean, we, we know that tech is spreading out regardless.
That's been happening for quite some time. California is the fifth largest
economy in the world. It is absolute global epicenter of, of tech and tech
investment and having reasonable regulatiosn protecting the public that's not
gonna drive this work outta California.
Just like when we passed the California data privacy law in 20,
I believe it was 18, because Congress had not acted. If you look at the
opposition, it said it would drive industry outta California. Well, guess what?
That didn't happen. So, you know, we wanna be, of course, mindful of, of
wanting to support innovation in California.
And there are parts of this bill that specifically do that, and
we're working with opposition to, you know, refine the bill. But I, I think
this whole argument that if you do anything. Around tech regulation, you're
gonna push the industry outta California. It's been proven not to be accurate.
Kevin Frazier: So
given the America wide nationwide implications of SB 1047, AB 3211, any other
AI legislation, we come down the pike to the AI developer in Iowa, or the AI
developer in Louisiana. What's your response to: Well, Senator Wiener, that's
great that you want those regulations in California, but why should I be
subject to what a couple of folks in San Francisco and across the Golden State
have to think about AI. This is a federal issue and should be decided at the
federal level.
Scott Wiener: Well,
first of all, those AI developers in Iowa or wherever else, they're highly
unlikely to be covered by SP 10 47. The, the bill only applies if you are
spending more than a hundred million dollars to train your model. So if you're
not spending a hundred million. You simply not covered by the bill. And, and,
and by the way, it's tied to inflation, so it'll go up over time. And, and so
people need to really understand that.
But in terms of should this be handled at the federal level,
absolutely. I would love for Congress to get it together to act in a number of
different areas, not just AI, but as I mentioned, data privacy, social media. I
author California's net neutrality law in 2018 after Trump's FCC got rid of.
Net neutrality protections. I wish that Congress would just
pass a strong federal net neutrality law. Six years later, it hasn't done so.
So yeah, this should be handled at the federal level, but the tech industry has
made it impossible for Congress to do that. And so here we are in California
wanting to protect the public, wanting to protect our states, and so we're,
we're doing what we need to do.
And I think we're doing it in a thoughtful way with an open
door, as you acknowledge, taking very significant amendments in response to
feedback from folks in the Ai sector, including in the open source sector. For
example, we made a, a amendment making crystal clear that if you no longer have
possession of a model, so if you open source the model and others are then
using it, you no longer have a responsibility to be able to shut down the model
because that's one of the requirements of the bill. You have to be able to shut
down the model that you develop.
But if you open source it and some, and it's no longer in your
possession, someone else is using it. You do not have that responsibility any
longer. In addition, if someone takes an open source model and fine tunes it to
a significant degree, it's no longer your responsibility. It becomes
effectively someone else's model.
So we have over and over again listened to feedback and made
significant changes, and I anticipate we'll, we'll be making more significant
changes in response to the Anthropic letter.
Kevin Frazier: Well,
so I guess my friends in Des Moines and Baton Rouge can rest easy, at least in
that regard. But with respect to the idea, well–
Scott Wiener: They should
come to San Francisco too. It's amazing.
Kevin Frazier: You
know, they've got an open invite.
Scott Wiener: Oh,
housing are expensive. I apologize for that. We're, there we
Kevin Frazier: So
stay away from San Francisco. The message for, no, I'm just messing. So with
respect to the superiority, perhaps in an ideal policy world of Congress
settling this issue, what sort of development would cause you to pump the
brakes on pushing SB 1047, we've seen OpenAI has announced its support for at
least three AI bills increased funding for the U.S. AI Safety Institute, a bill
supporting AI education initiatives, and one supporting a AI research resource.
What if we saw one of those bills take off? Would you say, all right, we'll
give, we'll give Congress some time to see if they can take this regulatory
challenge, or are you done waiting for congressional action?
Scott Wiener: Yeah, I
think, I mean, Congress is typically the power to preempt state laws. So if in
a year or two years or five years, Congress passed an AI safety law and said,
we're preempting state laws, they can do that just like they could tomorrow
pass a data privacy law and preempt the California law if they wanted to.
Have they passed that data privacy law secures later? No, they
haven't. They could preempt us on net neutrality. Have they passed a net
neutrality law six years later? No, they haven't. So they have every ability to
do that. And I don't given Congress's track record.
Congress, by the way, does a lot more than people think. Congress
has in recent years done a lot of really amazing things around infrastructure,
climate supporting working families. So
I'm not saying I don't buy into the Congress doesn't do anything. Congress does
a lot of things around technology in particular. The last major law that
Congress has passed was in the 1990s, and since then, it's been like banning
TikTok and now potentially this social media kids bill.
And so having bills introduced on AI, having, I'm glad that
OpenAI is supporting some of these bills. That's terrific. But that doesn't
mean that they're going to pass. And we also know I am gonna work really hard
to, to help Kamala Harris get elected president of the United States.
If Donald Trump wins, he's already made clear because of the,
the Republican platform is to repeal the Biden executive order, which is not
binding, by the way, but it's still good. And they've, the Republicans have
committed to repealing that executive order. Republicans in the house have been
working to defund NIST. And, and so if the election goes in a certain
direction, we could see even moving backwards on federal efforts around AI
safety.
Kevin Frazier: As the
bill stands now, there's still a tremendous amount of ambiguity and you've
emphasized that some of these things will have to be worked out over time
including, for example, training costs. What will be included in that $100
million threshold? For when you've crossed that bridge and some commentators
fearful of the impact on AI development have said the big labs, big tech is
going to dominate that process after the fact of refining some of the
definitions within the bill to benefit them. What are you doing now to try to
assist small labs, having a voice, those startups, those innovators, in
refining some of these terms, if the bill gets enacted?
Scott Wiener: Well,
there's the bill. I, I don't agree that the bill is like super ambiguous and
we'll continue to work between now and the end of August to if, if, you know,
and if folks think there's anything that's needs to be tightened, we wanna hear
about that.
But we've been working very hard to tighten things up. So this
is not a situation where some regulatory body is gonna be able to rewrite all
sorts of aspects of the bill. You're always gonna have to strike a balance
between being prescriptive in the bill having some flexibility and people are
gonna criticize you if it's too prescriptive or it's too flexible and, you
know, we, we actually have require open source representation on one on,
there's an open source body that's being.
So I, I, I think the whole goal is to have that kind of
diversity of, of representation. There's been a narrative about this bill that
it's some sort of regulatory capture by big tech. Of course, Google and Meta
are opposing the bill, so that would be an odd thing for them to oppose a bill
that’s gonna allow them to engage in regulatory capture. I don't think there's
gonna be any regulatory capture here.
Kevin Frazier: And
you've emphasized that the bill is not intended to quash in any way open source
model development. While you've also stressed that the animating factor is the
prevention of some of these catastrophic risks, we recently saw Llama 3.1 get
released. It's an incredibly capable open source model. Are you thinking now
that perhaps there should be a more stringent approach to open source if we see
that these sorts of models can have such extensive capabilities and are now
going to be even more broadly available? If the goal is to prevent these
catastrophic risks, might now be the time to be more hands-on with respect to
open source models.
Scott Wiener: Listen,
I know there's a whole debate happening around open source. There are people
who hate open source. There are people who love open source. My view here is I
support open source and I'm, and I'm, I'm not in any way opposed to open
sourcing. I think open sourcing has huge potential benefits in terms of
democratizing AI in terms of allowing really smart people to look under the
hood and make improvements to a model, including improvements around safety.
So I'm not a critic of, of open source, and I know a lot of
startups in particular really rely on open source, open sourcing of models, you
know, including, including Llama. And so we also need to acknowledge that open
source, like other models also can bring safety risks. And so that's why we
don't wanna exempt open source because open source.
Just like any other model perhaps in different ways can cause
good to happen and also harm, you know, so, so unlike some folks who wanna ban
open source, I don't fall into that category at all. But there, but I, I think
we need to acknowledge that there are risks like Lawrence Lessig, who is like a
major open source advocate in technology in general, has raised concerns about
Meta's approach in terms of releasing the model globally. So, and that's,
that's his perspective and he's a really smart guy.
I'm not going down that path, whether it's an open source model
or otherwise performed. The safety testing Meta is one of the companies that
went to Seoul, South Korea, that went to the White House and has repeatedly
committed to doing safety testing on its open source model, and we're simply
asking them to keep their commitment.
Kevin Frazier: And
with regard to that testing, a lot of focus has been drawn to the difficulties
of what some say is proving a negative. How can you prove that a model isn't
going to cause critical harms? What, what is your response to, yeah. To, to
this take
Scott Wiener: that,
that is another sort of characterization of the bill that some of the opponents
have cut out. That's not accurate. You don't have to wait. Well, I forget, what
was the word you used?
Kevin Frazier:
Proving a negative
Scott Wiener: Prove.
Right. You have to prove that it's not gonna cause harm. You have to guarantee
that it's not gonna cause her all of these extreme, categorical words that are
used, that's not what the bill says.
The bill talks about reasonable assurance. This is not about
guaranteeing that your model is not gonna cause harm. It's not about certifying
that it can't cause harm. It is about conducting reasonable safety evaluation,
determining whether there is a, a real actual risk of catastrophic harm, and
then if so, taking reasonable steps.
To reduce that risk, not to eliminate the risk. Life is about
risk. It's impossible to eliminate risk. And if you're eliminating risk can
have its own very bad consequences, like undermining innovation. And that's why
we don't require eliminating the risk or having like certainty that nothing can
go wrong.
And so in terms of the testing, this bill does not like. It's
not, there was, there's no testing and the bill says, th test, we're gonna will
it into existence. The testing is exists now. The, the labs, these labs. That
they are testing, that they're planning the test, and they, and they've made
formal commitments in, at the White House in Seoul, et cetera.
And so I, I, I think that this, there's a, this narrative like,
oh, there's no testing. You're asking us to do something that's impossible. It
doesn't exist. Well, they, they all say they're doing it. And so I, I, you
know, I think what we're asking is being done and is perfectly reasonable.
Kevin Frazier: If we
had a open source lab create Blama 3.1, some other open source model that's
just as capable as Llama 3.1, how would they be able to show a reasonable
assurance that a user, let's say a bad actor in a foreign country wouldn't use
it to further a critical harm, even if modified less so than the threshold for
qualifying them as being exempt.
Scott Wiener: Yeah,
and and to be clear, I'm not a technologist and I, I'm not the expert on how
the testing works. And so you, you should absolutely ask someone who's an
expert in, in testing to talk about how you can do that open, extremely large
model. We know that there are different strategies like, you know, doing
extremely thorough red teaming, for example. They're doing that now.
And again, Meta says that they're doing this testing, so the
people who actually know how to do this testing say that they're doing it. The
bill is also flexible as to what kind of testing you do. Bill is not
prescriptive, you know, red teaming is one example, but I know that there are,
that there are others.
Kevin Frazier: So if
you continue to receive feedback, as you've mentioned, you're open to saying
that, you know, reasonable assurances with respect to some uses of open source
models and some of these critical harms is just not feasible at this point. Would
that be something you'd be open to considering and further amendments?
Scott Wiener: I've
had an open door for a year and a half now.
Kevin Frazier: You
should probably lock your door.
Scott Wiener: I, I
literally, like when we published our initial outline last September, I
affirmatively like texted and sent it around, including people I thought might
have questions or concerns because we want that feedback.
We're, we're near the end of the process now, but there's still
time. And so we welcome the feedback and there's some people who are just
categorically opposed, who are never gonna, you know, provide amendments. You
know, a16z, I think falls into that category. They prefer to put a bunch of
stuff on Twitter, which is fine. It's their First Amendment right to do that.
But there are other organizations like Anthropic, like GitHub,
like even Meta. Meta has been collaborative and talking to us and, and, and
trying to brainstorm ideas. And we really appreciate that. And I, of, even if
someone is opposing my bill, if they have a reasonable good idea. I wanna know.
I don't only listen to people who are supporting what I'm doing. I, I'm, I
listen to anyone with good faith, constructive feedback.
Kevin Frazier: Well,
before I let you go, I do have to ask, because you've mentioned that you're not
quite as far as some may be with respect to, for example, limiting the risks
posed by open source, but you're clearly concerned about catastrophic risks. So,
Senator Wiener, what is your (p)doom?
Scott Wiener: I know
that there has been a, there's a range. I forget what Lina Khan said. I think
she said 15%, which is, you know, that's still concerning. Right? And there are
other people that say 40, who say 1%. I, I'm not focused on doomsday. You know,
we can talk about, you know, the, the doom scenarios.
I'm not a doomer. I think there are a lot scenarios that are
short of helping shut down the grid. That's not doomsday scenario, but that's a
very tangible, significant harm that we can all envision, right? That's not
robots coming and, and taking over and, and rounding everyone up and sending us
off somewhere, or killing people. That's like a tangible thing that can hap
that actually does happen today, right there, there are criminals who do things
like try to shut down the grids or shut down the banking system.
And, and so that's a very tangible thing that people can get
their heads around today. It's very real, and that's what I'm focused on, those
kinds of harms.
Kevin Frazier: Well,
Senator, I know you have a busy August ahead, so we will leave it there.
Scott Wiener: Thank
you for having me.
Kevin Frazier: The Lawfare
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