The Regulatory Provisions of the Cybersecurity Act of 2012
When I was younger, I didn’t like to eat my peas. So I always put them off for last, but eventually, I’d realize that it was something I had to do and … just do it.
I feel a little like that in writing about Title I of the Cybersecurity Act of 2012 – the provisions that will create a new regulatory structure for cybersecurity. Reviewing the details has to be done – and it has to be done well. But I hope the bill’s authors will forgive me if I say that working your way through the text is a bit like eating peas – you know it’s good for you in the end but it isn’t exactly what you were hopin
Published by The Lawfare Institute
in Cooperation With
When I was younger, I didn’t like to eat my peas. So I always put them off for last, but eventually, I’d realize that it was something I had to do and … just do it.
I feel a little like that in writing about Title I of the Cybersecurity Act of 2012 – the provisions that will create a new regulatory structure for cybersecurity. Reviewing the details has to be done – and it has to be done well. But I hope the bill’s authors will forgive me if I say that working your way through the text is a bit like eating peas – you know it’s good for you in the end but it isn’t exactly what you were hoping to do with the weekend.
So … what do we have in Title I? I’ve already previewed the basic philosophy of the regulatory provisions – they are intended to set performance standards rather than specific technological mandates. As we will see, there is reason to be skeptical even of this prospect – but we should begin by acknowledging that a more intrusive measure might have been considered and that the method chosen is, in some ways, a unique effort and a decided change from traditional programs.
So let’s ask three questions: 1) Who will have to meet the new performance standards? 2) How will the standards be set? And 3) How will the standards be enforced?
Who Is Covered?
As I noted in an earlier post, the basic definition of who is covered by the new regulatory system limits covered cyber infrastructure to systems that would cause catastrophic interruption of life-sustaining services, catastrophic economic damage, or severe degradation of national security capabilities. To determine which systems and assets fall into this category, the bill anticipates a two-stage process: First, the Secretary of DHS is directed to conduct a sector-by-sector analysis to determine which sectors are at greatest risk. Presumably this analysis will both determine which (like, say, the electric grid) are critical and which (say, perhaps, the financial sector) have already taken significant steps to counter an attack.
Then the Secretary will develop a process for designating critical systems within a sector. Once the process is in place, the actual designation can begin – starting with the most at risk systems and assets in the most critical and at risk sectors. One imagines, for example, that larger electrical grids will precede smaller ones in criticality based on the size of the population they serve. Owners who wish to, may challenge their designation as critical through a civil action in Federal court. [I wrote, earlier, about the carve out for commercial IT products – this is where that exclusion would apply]
The bill attempts to further limit the scope of its regulatory ambit by specifying that the new performance standards will not apply if the critical infrastructure system or asset is already being adequately regulated by another federal agency. Presumably, this means that if the Secretary of DHS thinks that the cybersecurity regulations that the FERC has in place for the electric grid are adequate, s/he won’t override them with her own regulations. Likewise, performance standards will not apply if the owner of the critical infrastructure has already taken the necessary steps to protect its critical system or asset from a cyber attack.
So what does this mean? A few observations:
- First, as Stewart Baker (former General Counsel of NSA and former Assistant Secretary for Policy DHS) noted in his testimony before the Senate, limiting coverage to systems whose failure will cause an “extraordinary number” of fatalities is a bit odd. What is an “ordinary” number? I understand why the drafters have written as they did – they want to avoid the charge that they are expanding cybersecurity regulation to cover every cyber system in America. But it is still a bit unsettling.
- Second, as James Lewis of the Center for Strategic and International Studies noted, the entire enterprise of creating a protected list, by definition creates an unprotected list and is a “bit like writing a targeting list of our opponents.” I don’t know how you avoid that problem unless, again, you expand this regulatory structure to be the structure of everything. The reality is we can’t protect all systems all the time.
- Third, on reflection, I think that the two exclusions (for adequate regulation by another body and for having taken steps voluntarily to protect your system) are less than meets the eye. For one thing, it is clear that critical systems will have to meet some standard of protection and whether or not they have done so adequately will, ultimately, be judged by the Secretary of DHS. Thus the “adequacy” of alternatives will, inevitably, converge to whatever standards DHS winds up setting and DHS will have the final word in defining them.
Paul Rosenzweig is the founder of Red Branch Consulting PLLC, a homeland security consulting company and a Senior Advisor to The Chertoff Group. Mr. Rosenzweig formerly served as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Policy in the Department of Homeland Security. He is a Professorial Lecturer in Law at George Washington University, a Senior Fellow in the Tech, Law & Security program at American University, and a Board Member of the Journal of National Security Law and Policy.