The U.S. and its allies would do well to prepare for heightened cyber activity from Iran. But they would do better to prepare for military force more.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit found that incidental collection of U.S. persons’ communications under Section 702 does not violate the Fourth Amendment, but raised constitutional questi...

Malaysia and Indonesia lawfare salvos against China, the first made-in-China aircraft carrier and a Japanese military strategy for the South China Sea.

President Trump has doubled down on his threat to bomb Iranian cultural sites if Iran attacks the United States in response to the killing of Qassem Soleimani. Administration officials should affirm publ...

The administration's decision-making process seems as broken today as when the president entered office.

In the wake of Qassem Soleimani’s death, the global threat posed by Iran and its proxies to Americans creates a somewhat novel challenge for the Diplomatic Security Service, the law enforcement arm of th...

What's done is done. The United States needs to set priorities for what comes next.

The United States—through presidential aggrandizement, as well as congressional delegation and acquiescence—has given the president discretion to use force in ways that can easily lead to a massive war.

New Delhi is looking for a way to deescalate tensions between two important partners.

The Soleimani strike was likely within the president’s domestic legal authority to pursue. But in certain ways, it may push that authority’s limits.

Lawfare’s biweekly roundup of U.S.-China technology policy news.